GEORGIAN YOUNG LAWYERS' ASSOCIATION AND OTHERS v. GEORGIA

Published on 14 April 2025   FOURTH SECTION Application no. 31069/24 GEORGIAN YOUNG LAWYERS’ ASSOCIATION and Others against Georgia lodged on 21 October 2024 communicated on 24 March 2025 SUBJECT MATTER OF THE CASE The application has been lodged by 120 civil society organisations and 16 media outlets as well as by four individual applicants (“the individual applicants,” see applicants nos. 3, 33, 79, and 83 in the appendix below). The case concerns alleged interference with the applicants’ rights under Articles 8, 10, and 11 of the Convention, considered alone and in conjunction with Articles 13, 14, and 18, following the adoption of the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence (“the TFI Act”). On 28 May 2024 the Georgian Parliament enacted the TFI Act, which came into force on 3 August 2024. The law consists of 11 Sections, with the final two (Sections 10-11) containing merely procedural and transitional provisions related to its implementation. The key provisions of the TFI Act can be summarised below: “Section 1 § 1 states the general objective of the law as ensuring “transparency of foreign influence” by creating a register for legal entities deemed to be “pursuing the interests of a foreign power.” Paragraph 2 of Section 1 clarifies that the law does not restrict the operation of organisations registered under it. Section 2 identifies four categories of legal entities that may be deemed “pursuing the interests of a foreign power”: (i) non-entrepreneurial (non‑commercial) legal entities (with certain exceptions), (ii) broadcasting companies, (iii) legal entities owning print media outlets, and (iv) legal entities owning or using internet domains or hosting services for media coverage. Entities fall under this category if 20% of their annual income originates from a “foreign power.” This section also defines “income” and how to determine its source. Section 3 defines “foreign power” as including (i) a constituent entity of a foreign State’s governmental system, (ii) non-Georgian nationals, (iii) legal entities not established under Georgian law, and (iv) other organisational formations or associations created under foreign or international law. Section 4 requires relevant legal entities to voluntarily register with the National Agency of the Public Registry (“the Agency”), part of the Ministry of Justice, as “organisations pursuing the interests of a foreign power.” The section outlines the procedure and deadlines for registration. Section 5 mandates that the register of organisations deemed to be “pursuing the interests of a foreign power,” along with all related documents, be made fully accessible to the public. Section 6 requires registered organisations to file an annual financial declaration, specifying the required contents and making these declarations publicly available. Section 7 allows for the de-registration of organisations if they cease to be funded from abroad, as defined in Section 2. The de-registration must be made public immediately. Section 8 empowers the Ministry of Justice to investigate and identify potential “organisations pursuing the interests of a foreign power” and to ensure compliance with the law. This section grants the Ministry authority to request any person or entity to disclose information, including sensitive personal data (such as racial or ethnic origin, political opinions, religious beliefs, sexual orientation, etc.). Section 9 outlines fines for non-compliance with the law, with the maximum fine set at 25,000 Georgian Laris (approximately 8,000 euros) for failing to register or submit financial declarations. Repeated fines can be imposed for the same violation. The imposition of fines can be challenged in court, but such proceedings do not suspend the sanction.” On 29 August 2024, the majority of the applicants, in coordination with the President of Georgia and other civil society organisations and media outlets, challenged the constitutionality of the TFI Act before the Constitutional Court of Georgia. These proceedings are still ongoing. The applicants argue that, despite none of the TFI Act’s requirements having yet been enforced against them, the law’s enactment itself constitutes an interference with their rights under the Convention. They claim no effective domestic remedies are available. Citing Articles 10 and 11 of the Convention, in conjunction with Articles 13, 14, and 18, all of the applicants assert that the TFI Act violates their rights to freedom of expression and association. They allege the law is motivated by the respondent State’s discriminatory treatment of independent civil society organisations and media outlets receiving foreign funding, as well as by the State’s desire to hinder their watchdog activities under the guise of transparency. Additionally, the four individual applicants (nos. 3, 33, 79, and 83) allege that the law’s requirement for individuals to disclose sensitive personal data constitutes a violation of their rights under Article 8, in conjunction with Articles 13, 14 and 18 of the Convention. QUESTIONS TO THE PARTIES 1.  Can the applicants in the present case claim victim status under Article 34 of the Convention due to the operation of the Transparency of Foreign Influence Act? Specifically, have any provisions of the Act been applied to them (compare Ecodefence and Others v. Russia, nos. 9988/13 and 60 others, § 80, 14 June 2022)?   2.  Has the reporting requirement concerning personal data, as set out in Section 8 of the Transparency of Foreign Influence Act, interfered with the four individual applicants’ (nos. 3, 33, 79, and 83) rights under Article 8 § 1 of the Convention?   2.1.  If so, was this interference compatible with the requirements established in the second paragraph of Article 8?   3.  Has the operation of the Transparency of Foreign Influence Act interfered with the applicants’ rights under Articles 10 § 1 and 11 § 1 of the Convention?   3.1.  If so, was this interference compatible with the requirements set out in Articles 10 § 2 and 11 § 2 of the Convention?   - In this context, does the designation of relevant organisations as entities “pursuing the interests of a foreign power” have a stigmatising effect, including in light of linguistic nuances specific to the Georgian language? Consequently, can this designation be considered to have significant deterrent impact on the organisations’ activities? What objective evidence (such as opinion polls, opinions by language experts), if any, supports the claim that the wording of the contested designation in the Georgian language carries a stigmatising connotation (see Kobaliya and Others v. Russia, nos. 39446/16 and 106 others, §§ 75 and 78, 22 October 2024)?   - Furthermore, does the definition of “a foreign power,” as well as the underlying assumption conveyed by the Act – that entities receiving 20% or more of their funding from abroad automatically qualify as pursuing the interests of foreign powers – align with the principles of “necessity,” “relevance,” and “sufficiency of reasons” set out in the second paragraphs of Articles 10 and 11 of the Convention? Has the Transparency of Foreign Influence Act sufficiently addressed the relevant “agency relationship” between foreign principles and national recipients to prevent broad and potentially abusive interpretations (compare Kobaliya and Others, cited above, §§ 76 and 83)?   - Are the sanctions imposed for violations of the Transparency of Foreign Influence Act proportionate to the gravity of the alleged offenses?   4.  Does the operation of the Transparency of Foreign Influence Act amount to discriminatory treatment of the applicants, in violation of Article 14 of the Convention, when considered alongside Articles 8, 10 and 11?   5.  Did the applicants have access to an effective domestic remedy for their complaints under Articles 8, 10, and 11, as required by Article 13 of the Convention?   6.  Were the restrictions imposed by the State on the applicants under Articles 8, 10, and 11 of the Convention applied for purposes other than those intended by these provisions, in violation of Article 18 of the Convention?   APPENDIX No. Applicant’s Name Year of birth/ registration Place of head office/residence 1. GEORGIAN YOUNG LAWYERS’ ASSOCIATION 1998 Tbilisi 2. ACCENT HOLDING LLC 2014 Tbilisi 3. Ms EKATERINE AGHDGOMELASHVILI 1969 Tbilisi 4. ALLIANCE OF WOMEN WITH DISABILITIES 2021 Batumi 5. ALTERNATIVE GEORGIA 2004 Tbilisi 6. ASSCIATION SOCIAL UMBRELLA 2017 Telavi 7. ASSOCIATION BLACK SEA ECO ACADEMY 1998 Batumi 8. ASSOCIATION FOR CIVIL SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT OF GEORGIA 2004 Tetritskaro 9. ASSOCIATION OF DISABLED WOMEN AND MOTHERS OF DISABLED CHILDREN 1998 Zugdidi 10. ATLANTIC COUNCIL OF GEORGIA 1999 Tbilisi 11. AURES FOUNDATION 2012 Tbilisi 12. BATUMI INDEPENDENT LIVING CENTER 2022 Batumi 13. BIOLOGICAL FARMING ASSOCIATION ELKANA 1998 Tbilisi 14. CACTUS 2018 Tbilisi 15. CAUCASUS OPEN SPACE 2017 Tbilisi 16. CENTER FOR CHANGE AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT PARTNERS- GEORGIA 2000 Tbilisi 17. CENTER FOR CIVIL INTEGRATION AND INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS 2005 Tbilisi 18. CENTER FOR DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRACY 2008 Tbilisi 19. CENTER FOR INFORMATION AND COUNSELLING ON REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH TANADGOMA 2000 Tbilisi 20. CENTER FOR MEDIA, INFORMATION AND SOCIAL RESEARCH 2022 Tbilisi 21. CENTER FOR SUPPORT AND EMPOWERMENT 2024 Batumi 22. CENTRE FOR BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION AND RESEARCH NACRES 1999 Tbilisi 23. CHAI KHANA 2014 Tbilisi 24. CHEMI KHARAGAULI LLC 2002 Kharagauli 25. CHILD WELFARE LEAGUE 2015 Tbilisi 26. CIVIC ACTIVITIES AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT CENTER 2020 Rustavi 27. CIVIC IDEA – CIVIC INITIATIVE FOR A DEMOCRATIC EURO-ATLANTIC CHOICE 2017 Tbilisi 28. CIVIC MOVEMENT FOR FREEDOM 2022 Melekeduri 29. CIVIL MOVEMENT – VOICE OF SAMEGRELO 2013 Zugdidi 30. CIVIL SOCIETY FOUNDATION 2023 Tbilisi 31. CIVIL SOCIETY INSTITUTE 1998 Tbilisi 32. CIVIL СOUNCIL ON DEFENSE AND SECURITY 2011 Tbilisi 33. Ms DANI DARISPANASHVILI 2002 Tbilisi 34. DEMOCRACY DEFENDERS 2022 Tbilisi 35. DEMOCRACY RESEARCH INSTITUTE 2002 Tbilisi 36. DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS RESEARCH CENTER 2018 Tbilisi 37. DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT UNION OF GEORGIA 1999 Ozurgeti 38. DOCUMENTARY FILM ASSOCIATION 2022 Tbilisi 39. EASTERN EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY EECMD 2017 Tbilisi 40. ECONOMIC POLICY RESEARCH CENTER 2002 Tbilisi 41. ELDER WOMEN’S COUNCIL 2011 Duisi 42. ENVIRONMENTAL COMMUNITY ORGANISATION 2019 Ozurgeti 43. EQUAL PARTICIPATION CENTER 2020 Tbilisi 44. EUROCLUB KVARELI 2020 Kvareli 45. EUROPE FOUNDATION 2007 Tbilisi 46. EUROPE – GEORGIA INSTITUTE 2015 Tbilisi 47. FEMINA 2020 Tbilisi 48. FOUNDATION OF CENTRE FOR STRATEGIC RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT OF GEORGIA 1998 Tbilisi 49. GAZETI BATUMELEBI LLC 2003 Tbilisi 50. CENTER FOR PSYCHO-SOCIAL AND MEDICAL REHABILITATION OF TORTURE VICTIMS 2000 Tbilisi 51. GEORGIAN COURT WATCH 2021 Tbilisi 52. GEORGIAN FARMERS ASSOCIATION 2012 Tbilisi 53. GEORGIAN MEDIA GROUP 2014 Gori 54. GEORGIAN PROGRESSIVE FORUM 2014 Tbilisi 55. GEORGIA’S EUROPEAN ORBIT 2023 Tbilisi 56. GEORGIA’S FUTURE ACADEMY 2015 Tbilisi 57. GEORGIA’S REFORMS ASSOCIATES 2012 Tbilisi 58. GERGARTI 2015 Gergetisubani 59. GREEN ALTERNATIVE 2000 Tbilisi 60. GREEN POLE 2020 Tbilisi 61. GURIA NEWS LLC 2015 Chokhatauri 62. HANDS FOR PEACE 2019 Tkaia 63. HOME – PEOPLE AND ORGANISATIONAL DEVELOPMENT ECOSYSTEM 2023 Tbilisi 64. HUMAN RESOURCES PROFESSIONALS’ ASSOCIATION 2017 Tbilisi 65. HUMAN RIGHTS CENTER 2001 Tbilisi 66. HUMAN RIGHTS DEVELOPMENT FUND 2016 Tbilisi 67. HUMAN RIGHTS HOUSE TBILISI 2010 Tbilisi 68. ILIA CHAVCHAVADZE CENTER FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES AND CIVIC EDUCATION 2018 Tbilisi 69. INDEPENDENT JOURNALISTS’ HOUSE 2001 Tbilisi 70. INDIGO FUND 2011 Tbilisi 71. INITIATIVE FOR CIVIL SOCIETY 2014 Tbilisi 72. INNOVATION AND CIVIC DEVELOPMENT CENTER – PROGRESS HOUSE 1998 Ozurgeti 73. INNOVATIONS AND REFORMS CENTER 2010 Tbilisi 74. INSTITUTE FOR CHANGE AND INNOVATION 2002 Ozurgeti 75. INSTITUTE FOR DEVELOPMENT OF FREEDOM OF INFORMATION 2009 Tbilisi 76. INSTITUTE OF DEMOCRACY 2004 Batumi 77. INSTITUTIONAL AND CAPACITY DEVELOPEMENT CENTER 2014 Tbilisi 78. INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR EDUCATION POLICY, PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT 2002 Tbilisi 79. Ms TINATIN JAPARIDZE 1979 Tbilisi 80. JOURNALISM RESOURCE CENTER 2011 Tbilisi 81. KAKHETI REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION 2008 Akhmeta 82. KAKHETIS KHMA LLC 2010 Gurjaani 83. Ms NONA KURDOVANIDZE 1984 Dusheti 84. KVEMO KARTLIS MEDIA 2013 Tbilisi 85. MEDIA CENTER KAKHETI 2002 Gurjaani 86. MEDIA DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION 2008 Tbilisi 87. MEDIA FREEDOM FUND 2022 Tbilisi 88. MEDIA OMBUDSMAN 2021 Batumi 89. MEETING PLACE DMANISI 2022 Dmanisi 90. MOUNTAIN COMMUNITIES 2016 Chinti 91. MTAVARI CHANNEL LLC 2019 Tbilisi 92. MULTIFUNCTIONAL LAW EDUCATION AND EXPERTISE CENTER HOUSE OF JUSTICE 2021 Kojori 93. NAAMBOBI 2022 Tbilisi 94. NABIJI – KHARAGAULI 2014 Kharagauli 95. NEO TV 2022 Gori 96. NETWORK OF CENTERS FOR CIVIC ENGAGEMENT 2016 Tbilisi 97. TSERTILI 2023 Tbilisi 98. ON.GE PROJECTS 2020 Tbilisi 99. ORGANISED CRIME RESEARCH MEDIACENTER 2016 Tbilisi 100. PARTNERSHIP FOR CHILDREN 2012 Rustavi 101. PARTNERSHIP FOR HUMAN RIGHTS 2012 Tbilisi 102. PHOTOGRAPHERS CLUB FROM GORI 2015 Gori 103. PLATFORM FOR NEW OPPORTUNITIES 2019 Tbilisi 104. PUBLIC ART PLATFORM 2011 Tbilisi 105. PUBLIKA 2015 Tbilisi 106. REFORMS AND RESEARCH GROUP 2022 Tbilisi 107. RESEARCH-INTELLECTUAL CLUB DIALOGUE OF GENERATIONS 2007 Kutaisi 108. RIGHTS GEORGIA 1998 Tbilisi 109. RULE OF LAW CENTER 2022 Tbilisi 110. SALAM PLATFORM 2019 Darbazi 111. SAORSA 2018 Tbilisi 112. SAPARI 2001 Tbilisi 113. SHAME MOVEMENT 2019 Tbilisi 114. SOCIAL JUSTICE CENTER 2012 Tbilisi 115. SOLIDARITY COMMUNITY 2021 Khulo 116. SOVA NEWS 2016 Tbilisi 117. TASO FOUNDATION 2007 Tbilisi 118. TBILISI PRIDE 2019 Tbilisi 119. THE CENTER FOR RUSSIAN STUDIES 2020 Tbilisi 120. THE CENTRE FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS – CAUCASIAN HOUSE 1999 Tbilisi 121. THE COALITION FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH 2016 Tbilisi 122. THE FOUNDATION LIBERAL ACADEMY – TBILISI 2006 Tbilisi 123. THE GEORGIAN CHARTER OF JOURNALISTIC ETHICS 2009 Tbilisi 124. THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR FAIR ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRACY 1995 Tbilisi 125. THE PROFESSIONAL AND INCLUSIVE DEVELOPMENT EDUCATION ASSOCIATION 2011 Tbilisi 126. TOK TV LLC 2017 Akhaliki 127. TOLERANCE AND DIVERSITY INSTITUTE 2013 Tbilisi 128. TOURISM INSTITUTE 2020 Tbilisi 129. TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL GEORGIA 1998 Tbilisi 130. U.S. GOVERNMENT EXCHANGE PROGRAM ALUMNI ASSOCIATION OF GEORGIA 2004 Tbilisi 131. UNION OF DEMOCRAT MESKHIANS 1998 Akhaltsikhe 132. UNION PUBLIC MOVEMENT MULTINATIONAL GEORGIA 1999 Tbilisi 133. UNITED NATIONS ASSOCIATION OF GEORGIA 1998 Tbilisi 134. UNITY CAUCASUS APOLITICAL ACADEMY 2021 Tbilisi 135. WOMEN AND DEVELOPMENT 2005 Gori 136. WOMEN’S INITIATIVES SUPPORTING GROUP 2000 Tbilisi 137. WORLD OF TOLERANCE 2014 Tbilisi 138. YOUNG PEDAGOGUES’ UNION 1998 Ozurgeti 139. YOUTH ASSOCIATION DRONI 2010 Tbilisi 140. YOUTH ORGANISATION CHANGES FOR EQUAL RIGHTS 2013 Peria